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The SSRC Library allows visitors to access materials related to self-sufficiency programs, practice and research. Visitors can view common search terms, conduct a keyword search or create a custom search using any combination of the filters at the left side of this page. To conduct a keyword search, type a term or combination of terms into the search box below, select whether you want to search the exact phrase or the words in any order, and click on the blue button to the right of the search box to view relevant results.

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  • Individual Author: Maag, Elaine; Werner, Kevin; Wheaton, Laura
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2019

    The federal earned income tax credit (EITC) is a refundable tax credit that provides substantial benefits to low-income working families with children at home but little to those without resident children. But families without resident children also struggle, including noncustodial parents, who are often considered “childless” for tax purposes. We model a plan that would increase the maximum childless EITC to almost half the size of the maximum EITC for one-child families and that would begin to phase the childless EITC out at the same income level used for families with children. This would improve parity between people with and without children at home, filling a gap in existing credit benefits. It could also improve noncustodial parents’ economic well-being and increase their capacity to support their children. (Excerpt from author introduction)

    The federal earned income tax credit (EITC) is a refundable tax credit that provides substantial benefits to low-income working families with children at home but little to those without resident children. But families without resident children also struggle, including noncustodial parents, who are often considered “childless” for tax purposes. We model a plan that would increase the maximum childless EITC to almost half the size of the maximum EITC for one-child families and that would begin to phase the childless EITC out at the same income level used for families with children. This would improve parity between people with and without children at home, filling a gap in existing credit benefits. It could also improve noncustodial parents’ economic well-being and increase their capacity to support their children. (Excerpt from author introduction)

  • Individual Author: Minton, Sarah; Giannarelli, Linda; Werner, Kevin; Tran, Victoria
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2019

    This report examines the potential impacts of a set of antipoverty policies proposed by the Children’s Defense Fund (CDF). This work builds on a previous analysis completed for CDF (Giannarelli et al. 2015); additional details on that study are provided in appendix D of this report. The policies assessed for the current analysis include a minimum wage increase, a transitional jobs (TJ) program, expanded tax credits, increased availability of housing and child care subsidies, increased nutrition benefits, and changes to how benefit programs treat families’ child support income. Using microsimulation, we estimated how much each policy and the entire package of policies would reduce child poverty and how much they would cost. Poverty was assessed using the SPM because that measure considers a family’s cash income as well as the value of the in-kind benefits they receive and the amount of taxes they must pay. (Excerpt from author introduction)

    This report examines the potential impacts of a set of antipoverty policies proposed by the Children’s Defense Fund (CDF). This work builds on a previous analysis completed for CDF (Giannarelli et al. 2015); additional details on that study are provided in appendix D of this report. The policies assessed for the current analysis include a minimum wage increase, a transitional jobs (TJ) program, expanded tax credits, increased availability of housing and child care subsidies, increased nutrition benefits, and changes to how benefit programs treat families’ child support income. Using microsimulation, we estimated how much each policy and the entire package of policies would reduce child poverty and how much they would cost. Poverty was assessed using the SPM because that measure considers a family’s cash income as well as the value of the in-kind benefits they receive and the amount of taxes they must pay. (Excerpt from author introduction)

  • Individual Author: Prager, Karen J.; Poucher, Jesse; Shirvani, Forouz K.; Parsons, Julie A.; Allam, Zoheb
    Reference Type: Journal Article
    Year: 2019

    This study used 115 cohabiting couple partners’ 21-day diaries, with which they reported each evening on their moods and their relationships, to test hypotheses about connections between withdrawal following conflict, attachment insecurity, and affective recovery from conflict (i.e., post-conflict relationship satisfaction, positive and negative mood, and intimacy). Individuals reported on their own and their partners’ post-conflict withdrawals. Results indicated that individuals who withdrew following conflicts, or whose partners withdrew, experienced worse post-conflict affective recoveries, particularly if they intended to punish their partners by withdrawing. Conversely, withdrawing from a punitive partner buffered the individual from some aftereffects of conflict. Support for our hypothesis that anxious attachment would exacerbate effects of withdrawing on recovery was unexpectedly weak. Conclusions address the negative and punishing impact of post-conflict withdrawing on couple partners’ affective recoveries and associations between anxious attachment and post-conflict...

    This study used 115 cohabiting couple partners’ 21-day diaries, with which they reported each evening on their moods and their relationships, to test hypotheses about connections between withdrawal following conflict, attachment insecurity, and affective recovery from conflict (i.e., post-conflict relationship satisfaction, positive and negative mood, and intimacy). Individuals reported on their own and their partners’ post-conflict withdrawals. Results indicated that individuals who withdrew following conflicts, or whose partners withdrew, experienced worse post-conflict affective recoveries, particularly if they intended to punish their partners by withdrawing. Conversely, withdrawing from a punitive partner buffered the individual from some aftereffects of conflict. Support for our hypothesis that anxious attachment would exacerbate effects of withdrawing on recovery was unexpectedly weak. Conclusions address the negative and punishing impact of post-conflict withdrawing on couple partners’ affective recoveries and associations between anxious attachment and post-conflict recovery. (Author abstract)

  • Individual Author: McCormick, Meghan P.; Neuhaus, Robin; Horn, E. Parham; O'Connor, Erin E.; White, Hope S.; Harding, Samantha; Cappella, Elise; McClowry, Sandee
    Reference Type: Journal Article
    Year: 2019

    Social–Emotional Learning (SEL) programs are school-based preventive interventions that aim to improve children’s social–emotional skills and behavioral development. Although meta-analytic research has shown that SEL programs can improve academic and behavioral outcomes in the short term, few studies have examined program effects on receipt of special education services and grade retention in the longer term. Using an experimental design, the current study leveraged administrative data available through students’ school records (N = 1,634) to examine the impacts of one SEL program implemented in kindergarten and first grade on receipt of special education and grade retention in fifth grade. The study further considered whether impacts varied for low- versus high-income students. Findings revealed no difference between treatment and control group students in grade retention. However, treatment group students were less likely to ever receive special education services by the end of fifth grade, with low-income students appearing to drive this effect. Implications are discussed. (...

    Social–Emotional Learning (SEL) programs are school-based preventive interventions that aim to improve children’s social–emotional skills and behavioral development. Although meta-analytic research has shown that SEL programs can improve academic and behavioral outcomes in the short term, few studies have examined program effects on receipt of special education services and grade retention in the longer term. Using an experimental design, the current study leveraged administrative data available through students’ school records (N = 1,634) to examine the impacts of one SEL program implemented in kindergarten and first grade on receipt of special education and grade retention in fifth grade. The study further considered whether impacts varied for low- versus high-income students. Findings revealed no difference between treatment and control group students in grade retention. However, treatment group students were less likely to ever receive special education services by the end of fifth grade, with low-income students appearing to drive this effect. Implications are discussed. (Author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Acs, Gregory; Wheaton, Laura
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2019

    The current administration has proposed changing the way we measure inflation when setting the federal poverty thresholds because it believes that the current measure, the Consumer Price Index for Urban Consumers (CPI-U), overstates inflation. An alternative measure the administration is considering and seeking public input on is the Chained Consumer Price Index for Urban Consumers, commonly known as “chained CPI.”

    Switching the inflation measure from CPI-U to the chained CPI would result in slower inflation rates from year to year. The differences between the two inflation measures would be minimal at first but would compound over time. Fewer low-income people would be included among those living under the poverty line and fewer would qualify for programs that use federal poverty guidelines (which are based on the poverty thresholds) to determine eligibility. A program that relies on federal poverty guidelines to determine eligibility is the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), the nation’s primary food assistance program that serves roughly 40 million people...

    The current administration has proposed changing the way we measure inflation when setting the federal poverty thresholds because it believes that the current measure, the Consumer Price Index for Urban Consumers (CPI-U), overstates inflation. An alternative measure the administration is considering and seeking public input on is the Chained Consumer Price Index for Urban Consumers, commonly known as “chained CPI.”

    Switching the inflation measure from CPI-U to the chained CPI would result in slower inflation rates from year to year. The differences between the two inflation measures would be minimal at first but would compound over time. Fewer low-income people would be included among those living under the poverty line and fewer would qualify for programs that use federal poverty guidelines (which are based on the poverty thresholds) to determine eligibility. A program that relies on federal poverty guidelines to determine eligibility is the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), the nation’s primary food assistance program that serves roughly 40 million people per month.

    In this brief, we use Urban’s Analysis of Transfer, Taxes, and Income Security microsimulation model and 2016 American Community Survey data to estimate the number of people who would ultimately lose SNAP benefits if the poverty guidelines were based on poverty thresholds adjusted for inflation using the chained CPI. We find that in 2016:

    • 579,000 SNAP recipients would have been ineligible for SNAP if the chained CPI had been the inflation measure used to adjust federal poverty thresholds for the previous 15 years. Among those recipients, 242,000—or about 42 percent—would have been children.
    • The number of recipients losing SNAP eligibility would grow over time. Had the chained CPI been used for five years prior to 2016, 104,000 SNAP recipients would have been ineligible, and if it had been used for ten years, 245,000 recipients would have been ineligible. 
    • Had the chained CPI been used for the previous 15 years, just over 240,000 SNAP households would have been ineligible in the average month in 2016, including nearly 50,000 households with a person age 60 or older, more than 20,000 households with a person with a disability, and more than 118,000 households with at least one child.
    • The number households that would have been ineligible in 2016 also varies by state with more populous states experiencing the largest reductions in eligibility. Had the chained CPI been used for the previous 15 years, 24,000 households and 15,000 households in New York and California, respectively, would have been ineligible. (Author abstract)

     

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