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The SSRC Library allows visitors to access materials related to self-sufficiency programs, practice and research. Visitors can view common search terms, conduct a keyword search or create a custom search using any combination of the filters at the left side of this page. To conduct a keyword search, type a term or combination of terms into the search box below, select whether you want to search the exact phrase or the words in any order, and click on the blue button to the right of the search box to view relevant results.

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  • Individual Author: Mason, Patrick L.
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 1996

    This literature review gathers evidence on the relationship between African American male economic potential in the formal sector of the economy and transitions in African American family structure and marital stability. This review also provides insight into the crime, unemployment, family structure, and race debate. Competing theoretical explanations of transitions in family structure and marital stability are examined. Specifically, we compare the "African American structural model" with the "new household economics" and the sociological tradition that alleges that African American family life is pathological. (author abstract)

    This literature review gathers evidence on the relationship between African American male economic potential in the formal sector of the economy and transitions in African American family structure and marital stability. This review also provides insight into the crime, unemployment, family structure, and race debate. Competing theoretical explanations of transitions in family structure and marital stability are examined. Specifically, we compare the "African American structural model" with the "new household economics" and the sociological tradition that alleges that African American family life is pathological. (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Folk, Karen Fox
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 1996

    Child care subsidies are crucial to becoming and remaining employed, yet the minimum cost of child care is not very much less for low-income families than for all families. The Census Bureau reports 1993 data on the cost of the care of preschool children for families with employed mothers: those with incomes under $1,200 per month paid an average of $47 a week, whereas the average cost of preschool child care for all families with employed mothers was $60/week. Bear in mind that these are averages, including a large proportion of women who work part time. Costs will be higher for W-2 participants employed full time.

    How do families manage when child care costs are 25– 33 percent of income? They rely heavily on relative care; only 40 percent of low-income families make cash payments for child care. The pattern is similar for single mothers: 60 percent pay for child care, and 40 percent use unpaid care by relatives. (author introduction)

    Child care subsidies are crucial to becoming and remaining employed, yet the minimum cost of child care is not very much less for low-income families than for all families. The Census Bureau reports 1993 data on the cost of the care of preschool children for families with employed mothers: those with incomes under $1,200 per month paid an average of $47 a week, whereas the average cost of preschool child care for all families with employed mothers was $60/week. Bear in mind that these are averages, including a large proportion of women who work part time. Costs will be higher for W-2 participants employed full time.

    How do families manage when child care costs are 25– 33 percent of income? They rely heavily on relative care; only 40 percent of low-income families make cash payments for child care. The pattern is similar for single mothers: 60 percent pay for child care, and 40 percent use unpaid care by relatives. (author introduction)

  • Individual Author: Sorensen, Elaine; Turner, Mark
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 1996

    This review examines ways in which institutions and agencies act as barriers to paternal involvement, particularly for unmarried fathers and fathers of color. These fathers are frequently portrayed as unwilling, uninterested parents who must be forced by the government to take responsibility for their children, and this perspective lays the foundation for punitive policies and practices. The review begins by addressing research that has sought to determine the actual amount and kinds of support disadvantaged fathers provide for their children. The next sections describe how specific policies actually deter young men's involvement with their families and suggest ways of making legislation and social service agencies more conducive to fathers. The review concludes with recommendations for policy and future research. Throughout the review, the argument is made that while policies and practices may not actively seek to discourage paternal participation in the family, negative assumptions that result in the dismissal of fathers as viable parents result in fathers' disengagement. (...

    This review examines ways in which institutions and agencies act as barriers to paternal involvement, particularly for unmarried fathers and fathers of color. These fathers are frequently portrayed as unwilling, uninterested parents who must be forced by the government to take responsibility for their children, and this perspective lays the foundation for punitive policies and practices. The review begins by addressing research that has sought to determine the actual amount and kinds of support disadvantaged fathers provide for their children. The next sections describe how specific policies actually deter young men's involvement with their families and suggest ways of making legislation and social service agencies more conducive to fathers. The review concludes with recommendations for policy and future research. Throughout the review, the argument is made that while policies and practices may not actively seek to discourage paternal participation in the family, negative assumptions that result in the dismissal of fathers as viable parents result in fathers' disengagement. (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Institute for Research on Poverty
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 1997

    There has been very little agreement on the ultimate goals of out-of-home care. Tension has always existed between “child saving” and “family preservation,” and the emphasis has sometimes shifted dramatically between the two. The Adoption Assistance and Child Welfare Act of 1980 (P.L. 96–272) came down decisively in favor of preserving families or of ensuring that children moved quickly from out-of-home care to permanent adoptive families. Out-of-home care was viewed as the least desirable alternative—perhaps a consequence of the failure to achieve permanent placement. As the caseload has grown and the controversy over ends has continued, it has become particularly critical to determine what we really know about out-of-home care and its long-term effects on the children served. It is frequently claimed, for example, that most of the long-term effects of foster care are negative: that former foster-care children are disproportionately represented among the homeless, the unemployed, the welfare-dependent, and the delinquent. But there are gaping holes in our knowledge of the...

    There has been very little agreement on the ultimate goals of out-of-home care. Tension has always existed between “child saving” and “family preservation,” and the emphasis has sometimes shifted dramatically between the two. The Adoption Assistance and Child Welfare Act of 1980 (P.L. 96–272) came down decisively in favor of preserving families or of ensuring that children moved quickly from out-of-home care to permanent adoptive families. Out-of-home care was viewed as the least desirable alternative—perhaps a consequence of the failure to achieve permanent placement. As the caseload has grown and the controversy over ends has continued, it has become particularly critical to determine what we really know about out-of-home care and its long-term effects on the children served. It is frequently claimed, for example, that most of the long-term effects of foster care are negative: that former foster-care children are disproportionately represented among the homeless, the unemployed, the welfare-dependent, and the delinquent. But there are gaping holes in our knowledge of the circumstances and outcomes of children in foster care—in part, as is noted below, because of the absence of well-designed and commensurably oriented studies. (author introduction)

  • Individual Author: Reynolds, Arthur J.; Mann, Emily; Miedel, Wendy; Smokowski, Paul
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 1997

    Early childhood interventions are now a popular strategy for counteracting social problems. They have high funding priority at all levels of government and strong support in local communities. Programs such as Even Start, Early Head Start, and other two-generational programs (that is, programs involving both mothers and children) have received considerable attention in the public and academic media. But there are many misunderstandings about what these programs are intended to do and what they have done. In this article, we review what is currently known about the effects of early childhood interventions for low-income and at-risk families, discuss some myths and realities, and highlight directions for future research and program development.

    Early childhood intervention is a general descriptor for a wide variety of programs. For this article, it is defined as the provision of educational, psychosocial, and health services, during any of the first eight years of life, to children who are at risk of poor outcomes because they face social-environmental disadvantages or have...

    Early childhood interventions are now a popular strategy for counteracting social problems. They have high funding priority at all levels of government and strong support in local communities. Programs such as Even Start, Early Head Start, and other two-generational programs (that is, programs involving both mothers and children) have received considerable attention in the public and academic media. But there are many misunderstandings about what these programs are intended to do and what they have done. In this article, we review what is currently known about the effects of early childhood interventions for low-income and at-risk families, discuss some myths and realities, and highlight directions for future research and program development.

    Early childhood intervention is a general descriptor for a wide variety of programs. For this article, it is defined as the provision of educational, psychosocial, and health services, during any of the first eight years of life, to children who are at risk of poor outcomes because they face social-environmental disadvantages or have developmental disabilities. These interventions are compensatory; they are designed to prevent problematic behavior such as academic underachievement, low motivation, or school failure in populations at risk. We focus primarily on programs for economically disadvantaged children aged about 2½ to 5. Such programs constitute the largest array of early childhood interventions. (author introduction)

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